Trump communicated: I hate everybody. TheAtlantic.com Copyright (c) 2020 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. On the preexisting trajectory of the 2020 campaign, Trump was going to lose—and probably lose big. Gravity is now pulling harder against him. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com. It was zookeepers versus poop-throwing primates. In his book Triggered, he described his feelings on a visit to Arlington: “In that moment, I also thought of all the attacks we’d already suffered as a family, and about all the sacrifices we’d have to make to help my father succeed—voluntarily giving up a huge chunk of our business and all international deals to avoid the appearance that we were ‘profiting off the office.’”. The definitive debunking of this lie now does two things. He urged the Proud Boys to “stand by” because “somebody’s got to do something” about “antifa and the left.” He refused to commit to a peaceful transfer of power in the (likely) event that he loses. He’s losing. For once in his life, Trump seems tongue-tied. They are not doing a very good job, in part because they must worry about the line that Trump will eventually want them to take, when he finally announces a line. The title of conservative writer David Frum’s article—“This Is Trump’s Fault”—newly published in the Atlantic, is self-explanatory, as are the facts he … What the Republican Party actually stands for, in 13 points. The theory was that American voters crave dominance, no matter how belligerent or offensive. Trump disgraced the presidency on that stage. In Cleveland, the president yelled, threatened, interrupted—and changed nothing. He threatened months and months of chaos if the election does not go his way. On the present trajectory, nearly 150 million votes are likely to be cast in 2020. He alone would bring class justice to this country, redirecting benefits from the super-rich to deserving people such as themselves. In 2001 and 2002, he was a speechwriter for President George W. Bush. Scrambled, too, are whatever plans Trump may have had for the first presidential debate tomorrow night. At the Canada-U.S. border, I encountered a study in contrasts. Trump might have imagined that he projected himself as strong. Trump walked onto that stage in Cleveland seven or eight points behind, because the traditional Republican advantage among upper-income and educated voters has dwindled; because non-college-educated white women have turned against him; because he is losing older voters to his mishandling of COVID-19; because the groups he needs to be demobilized—African Americans, the young—are up-mobilized. Trump’s hopes for 2020 depended on fantastic overperformance with white voters without college degrees. In 2001 and 2002, he was a speechwriter for President George W. Bush. On the Cleveland stage, Trump communicated that he will seize any opportunity to disrupt the vote and resist the outcome. Now the banana peels have been dumped beneath his own feet. A conversation with David Carballo about the fall of the Aztec empire. Trump voters were more economically pessimistic than other Republicans.